The theoretical aim of policy then should be bridging over what is hopefully a short pause in activity – eliminating near-term distress for households and businesses.
What about the impact on domestic violence, with everyone stuck in their own homes? And on those with serious but non-life threatening health problems?
The implications of the crisis are such that Johnson and Sunak need not so much to think outside the box as to trample it to tatters altogether.
Plus: As of writing, I’ve had hardly any communications at all from constituents about the Coronavirus.
We lost Putney, but gained loads of poorer seats in the north and midlands. That’s highlighted the tensions.
The schism between between Tory Eurosceptics and Europhiles has been overcome; now another divide must be healed.
Yet another failure to keep a clear promise would be deeply damaging, especially in the ‘Red Wall’.
While Britain’s income floor has become a lot bouncier, its income ceiling remains sticky.
Both kinds of school have a place, and more besides. It needs to be a choice. Education is not ‘one-size fits all’, it’s ‘horses for courses’.
The costs – personal, social and economic – of family breakdown are vast and under-appreciated. This is a social justice issue.
There are now so many of them that the degree itself has less impact on employability – this ensuring that they become less economically valuable.
The Government needs to listen to its critical friends and produce fast reform of this scheme to help Britain compete.
That doesn’t mean they are all suddenly hardcore Tories. For many we were the least-worst option. But we have an opportunity to win their trust.
In this new political battle, the greatest tension will not be left v right or even fiscal
doves v economic hawks. It will be a battle between creativity and convention.
In the first piece of a mini-series, our guest author also argues the Government should look again at IR35, and make it more worthwhile to work.