Had the Benn Act not been passed, it would be far stronger – as he presents his new “fair and reasonable compromise” to the EU.
It would also be dishonest to claim that the thought of voting Liberal Democrat did not flicker momentarily as we’ve veered towards knuckle-head, pound-shop Orbanism.
In the end, it may well prefer to hold out for a general election – and the likelihood of a Brexit delay – in the hope that something better turns up.
How the pro-Leave Spartans, not pro-Remain or pro-Soft Brexit Tories, could end up whipless – and barred from contesting a general election as Conservatives.
The fundamental mistake of the Brexiteers domestically is that they have mistaken a moral argument for a political one.
More broadly, there is a lead for Irish unification of 46 per cent to 45 per cent – a statistical tie.
Even if the leaders on both sides soften somewhat, and workable ideas are forthcoming, the political incentives for the status quo are powerful.
Their words, like Johnson’s visit itself, look more like more gambits in a blame game than a genuine change of heart.
Remainers cannot both plead Commons supremacy over Brexit and deny it over the Withdrawal Agreement.
Many of our proposals can be introduced quickly. Some might take 12 – 15 months. We don’t believe anything will take longer than two to three years.
“It cannot form part of an agreed Withdrawal Agreement. That is a fact we must both acknowledge. I believe the task before us is to strive to find other solutions.”
He committed during the leadership election contest to raise it to £5000 per pupil – and level up outside London.
Plus: should Patel have come? Should Mordaunt have gone? And: my predictions. What I got right and wrong.
The last has failed to meet the objectives set out in both the original negotiating guidelines and in the Northen Ireland Protocol itself.