If we want to control our laws, our economy and our trade agreements, we cannot stay in either arrangement.
We cannot both be a member of it and control immigration properly. The referendum vote clearly plumped for the latter.
All Labour has to do, if it wants to debate the Single Market in the Commons, is to hold opposition day debates on the subject.
London is as important to the EU, if not more important, than is the EU market to London.
There is a trade-off between the long-term interest of the economy and the short-term interest of many Leave voters.
Britain must honour the referendum result and leave, but “we should have the closest possible relationship with the EU”.
The group wants a Hard Brexit. Either way, the Government should move Article 50 before next spring is over.
The more they think about it, the more they don’t seem to want a Soft One – at least, on the evidence we have so far.
The starting point for our negotiations should be to retain full access to – but not membership of – the Single Market, while also taking full control of our borders.
Of course we will sell to EU customers after Brexit. But there’s no reason to subject our whole economy to EU regulations.
From security and defence to free movement, it’s important we understand the views on the other side of the table.
It’s critical that the UK makes common-cause with national EU member governments – who stand to lose out.
The Ministry of Defence should make a grand gesture by increasing the Royal Navy’s visible presence in Gibraltar.
We re-issue the new Brexit Secretary’s essay on economic policy and the EU negotiation, originally published on this site on Monday.
The need for extra resources will not go down a storm with Hammond. But if we want a system that is effective, fair and trusted, we should resource it accordingly.