Some Tory members would see such a development as nothing less than an establishment coup: as a conspiracy of bad actors working together to win revenge for Brexit.
In England, the Tories have monopolised support on the Right, while the Left vote is split between Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the Greens.
That was the norm of the past ten years, in the form of Farage’s parties. There’s no reason to assume that a new challenger won’t emerge.
The Brexit Party will continue as an insurance policy “in case things go wrong”. And there will be “a new think-tank called Brexit Watch”.
“They used it…to divide our communities and divide our country.”
All played a part in forming the new Tory appeal that has made major inroads into the working class, Wales and provinical England.
Winning more support means looking to the Party’s right as well as its left – to use crude but efficient terms.
Johnson is a self-described “Brexity Hezza” and now has the chance to mould a Party and country in his own romantic image.
A Black, sorry, Red Swan may carry him off. But in less than six months he has rescued the Conservatives, and is on the brink of delivering the referendum mandate.
The Brexit Party will win 13-14% of the vote in Thursday’s election despite what the opinion polls say, he predicts.
It could have been so different. He should have withdrawn his troops from all but a few seats in which the Tories had no chance of winning.
They are unimpeachably dedicated Brexiteers, who have stuck their necks out time and again for their beliefs. Any wavering Leave voters should heed their message.
His ‘Contract with the People’ makes an effort to stake out some new territory for the People’s Army, but he faces an uphill climb.
Farage’s decision to stand down some Brexit Party candidates seems to have been the most impactful development of this election week.
The second piece in our mini-series on the road to Brexit explores the challenges which the anti-EU movement overcame to survive and then thrive.