On both sides of the water, politicians are torn between urgent national need and powerful local objections to new development.
It was made at the same time that the police were opening a fraud investigation into the party over alleged misuse of its referendum fighting fund.
The Seanad in Dublin comprises people chosen by county councillors, the government, and graduates of certain universities. This week, it celebrated its centenary.
A recent brawl at the National Party conference highlights how totally marginalised it remains in Dublin politics.
As Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil prepare for an unprecedented game of musical chairs, the republicans are riding high in the polls.
Didn’t he forsee the marginalisation of his party that would follow the Agreement? And anticipate his own fall from office and power as well as his rise to both? The answers are veiled in mystery because so are his motivations.
Unless Ministers get more grown-up in their rhetoric, they are going to set expectations at a level they cannot and should not meet.
As the Labour leader visits Dublin and Belfast, he shrinks from disclosing how he would solve the present difficulties.
I have made clear that the scheme initiated by the Labour Government at the time for the so-called ‘on the runs’ has no legal basis.
Sefcovic’s language in response was more assuaging than we have seen from Brussels in previous UK-EU rows.
This must be explained to US Democrats who do not understand the unionist position or the legal background.
Even if the Government has the will to act, it has rattled its sabres so long, and to so little effect, that this isn’t obvious.
The Government could dangle before the EU another gain it wants in order to win a revised Protocol.
A party which can’t even bear to say ‘Northern Ireland’ will never make Irish Brits feel welcome in an all-island state.
I have tabled an amendment to place a “parliamentary lock” on the Bill, requiring the Government to obtain a specific vote in favour of bringing its provisions into force.