The Prime Minister’s manifesto will have its flaws, but she has grasped the implications of Brexit more surely than any other senior politician.
By seeing off Le Pen and electing the most ideologically pro-EU president since Giscard d’Estaing, France has changed the game.
A key problem for Farron’s party is that Labour is competitive among young people – many of whom have not forgiven it for tuition fees.
If she tries to work through populist edicts and diktats, she will fail. And if the Right argues that a few tax cuts for the richest will solve our problems, this will be no better.
Pro-EU Lords will not be able to block Brexit measures that are set out in May’s programme for Government.
I truly believe that this election will finally banish the tribal, class-driven polarisation of workers versus bosses. That rhetoric will be firmly placed in the dustbin of history.
The Brexit Secretary was talking to Robert Peston.
Its permit system places the island’s residents at the centre of policy – and can be tightened up, just as just it was in 2009, if the economy is squeezed.
Last June’s Brexit vote had less to do with EU membership than a wider discontent with how Britain is governed.
A new history just blames the Prussians, the Protestants and the East Germans for everything that has gone wrong in German history.
“I just feel worried. I don’t know if I would a hundred per cent want to vote for the Conservatives, because still emotionally I’m attached to Labour.”
What we are witnessing right now is one of those magnificent moments in British political history; a great Tory pivot.
Rail liberalisation is being extended into the EEA agreement: the Fourth Railway Package is set to increase competition further.
The question is put to him by Matthew Elliott of the Legatum Institute, formerly the CEO of Vote Leave.
I write this as possibly the least nationalistic member in the Houses of the Oireachtas, and one of just three members who wants to see Ireland re-join the Commonwealth.