Having left England out of the devolution deal, they then tried to break up the country. And that was just the start.
The nub of his case is that the long-term future of the Union is more important than this election campaign – which is, by its nature, short-term.
It doesn’t matter how you cut it: the seat I’m contesting is very much the flashpoint of all of the ideological battles we face with Labour during this election campaign.
Having failed to destroy the Union by turning Scottish voters against it, Salmond now proposes to do so by turning English ones against it instead.
Meanwhile, Scotland is perhaps the most disruptive force in modern British electoral history.
Playing up Nicola Sturgeon to undermine Ed Miliband is a tempting game to play – my enemy’s enemy is my friend – but it is ill-judged, and is playing with fire.
Rushing out new commitments now would on the whole do more harm than good. But we would make three exceptions. Here (again) is the first.
In a hung Parliament in which the Conservatives are the largest party, he would need the minor parties – starting with the SNP.
I worry that we are not learning from the experience of the Scottish referendum, and what it might mean for the next plebiscite looming on the horizon.
The SNP is winning the referendum aftermath. The Unionist parties are losing. The Smith Commission proposals aren’t working. Only a radical UK-wide solution will.
The former ground the Commons to a halt in his campaign for Home Rule. That wouldn’t be so easy for the SNP. But they will make their presence felt…
The Strathclyde Commission’s proposals have paved the way for one.
The survey findings have scarcely changed in over a year.
P.S: We need it for its own sake anyway.
For me, the concept of the “freeborn Englishman” is fundamental. These liberties are expressed through Parliament and institutions.