Yes, some rises are inevitable. But they must be balanced by spending reductions elsewhere if economic policy is to be practicable and coherent.
Lavish campaign spending does not guarantee electoral success. If it did, Brexit wouldn’t be happening. And Theresa May would now have a majority.
We are likely to get a deal with something for everyone – a ‘softish’ Brexit with May-style immigration controls. But the longer-term offers great opportunities.
But in his new book, he does not quite explain why she has remained Prime Minister.
A small proportion of those who voted Remain are simply unable to move on from the referendum result – and taking refuge in conspiracy theory.
May needs to demonstrate that Whitehall is prepared – deal or no deal. Crossing one’s fingers and hoping for transition is not an alternative, or shouldn’t be.
Britain could flourish under the minimalist WTO-type settlement that seems to be his bottom line. But it is not the optimal outcome, and threatens a significant downside.
May should make a virtue of the complexity.
The most ominous portent for a second poll is that the No campaign has collapsed. It needs rebooting urgently.
The recently departed Prime Minister is re-emerging – and working on his memoirs. He will want to project his greatest achievement: public service reform.
Almost six months on from the EU referendum, we present a mini-series on five people who helped to shape the result.
It’s hard to imagine Conservative MEPs behaving the same way – Charles Tannock, for example, clocking, say, Geoffrey Van Orden.
The group wants a Hard Brexit. Either way, the Government should move Article 50 before next spring is over.
He represents a proudly provincial conservatism, in which the condition of the striving classes, and of the industries on which they depend, matter a hundred times more than the City of London.
I have long been struck by the incredible stresses placed upon them by a system that is meticulous in its oppression across so many of the European institutions.